While Somare's return is uncertain, Sam Abal struggles

Papua New Guinea’s current political stability—the key to its unprecedented economic growth among other positive indicators under its founding father Sir Michael Somare—is under threat of crumbling.

With only one more year before achieving a decade record reign, by far the longest period ever by any government in the country’s 35-year history, signs of disintegration are imminent without the iron grip of critically ill Sir Michael at the helm.

Sir Michael’s extended hospitalisation at Singapore’s Raffles Hospital and the continuing dire news of his health condition carry no immediate or probably no rescue for the now embattled acting Prime Minister Sam Abal, who is in trouble keeping the government intact.

Abal is caught up in the quagmire involving serious divides in alliances in the ruling National Alliance Party and its major coalition partner, the United Resources Party after he sacked two senior ministers—Petroleum and Energy Minister, William Duma and Foreign Affairs and Immigration Minister Don Polye. Polye was sacked for alleged insubordination and Duma over issues relating to the management of the PNG LNG project.

While defending his valiant decision to sack the ministers, Abal said the stability of government is paramount. Discipline and control is needed to maintain assertive leadership.

“Over the few months that I have been tasked by the Prime Minister Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare to lead the government, discipline has been seen lacking in cabinet.

“There must be cohesion, consolidation and solidarity in government. We are a coalition government and we must have the zeal to work together for the good of our people.

“I have observed ministers causing insubordination to the extent that they are not co-operating in the job of governing for the common good of our seven million people. They are not putting national interests first before their own.

“It is my duty to ensure discipline in cabinet without allowing personal leadership interest stand in the way for cooperative leadership for the common good of all Papua New Guineans.

“I am forced to demonstrate leadership authority to make decisions that satisfy more people than just a few. I must demonstrate control of government as well as for the country,” he said.

It was however, a control move that created ripples throughout the coalition’s solidarity base, eventually rattling the government foundation, especially when it involved such influential leaders. Duma is the leader of URP, the second biggest coalition partner in government, while Polye is deputy leader of the ruling party, the NA, in the Highlands Region of the country.

Duma, who was in a successful private practice as a lawyer before he turned to politics, is highly regarded in his own party. He is credited for holding the URP together in its formative years and bringing it up to what it is today.

In a country where loyalty is traded like a commodity in politics, Duma has remained loyal to Sir Michael over the last nine years. When Sir Michael appointed him to be the Minister for Petroleum and Energy, he was told by the PM in no uncertain terms to deliver an LNG project, which he did.

Polye, from the same Enga province as Abal, was the preferred choice ahead of Abal for the top post. It was expected that Polye, a once former deputy PM, would be acting PM when Sir Michael took his 14 days suspension by a leadership tribunal for misconduct in office. Abal’s appointment was however a shock to many.

PNG is known for brief political alliances with 18 months being the longest. But for both parties to stay together in a political marriage for nine years is a record of sorts in the political history of the country.

The NA-led government swept to power in 2002 and retained government after the 2007 national election. The electors endorsed the NA as the party to lead the government by voting in 22 MPs while URP joined NA as its major coalition partner with six MPs.

The two were joined by several junior political parties. With men like Polye, Abal, Patrick Pruaitch, Paul Tiensten, Duma, Anderson Agiru and Peter O’Neill and other leaders of the minor parties at the helm, they provided the needed support to Sir Michael to establish a stable government.

That partnership remained solid for the duration of the previous term of Parliament and it remained that way for much of this term. If there were any grumblings in the government ranks, Sir Michael stepped in and dealt with those issues. 

What is happening now is bringing to an end the political marriage between the two biggest parties.

A move by Duma and Polye to seek “sympathy” from Sir Michael in an effort to reclaim their ministries has failed. They were not allowed to talk to Sir Michael in hospital in Singapore.

Duma retaliated and expelled Francis Potape, the man initially tipped to take over the Petroleum and Energy ministry, from the URP.

He accused Potape of using his position as Minister Assisting the PM on Constitutional Matters, to poach two MPs from other political parties to join URP.

Duma then extended his vengeance by expelling URP founder and Governor of Southern Highlands Anderson Agiru, accusing him of insubordination as well. The party is now split with Agiru leading one faction and Duma the other.

The NA is also split. In the party’s stronghold in the Highlands, all Engan elected MPs are supporting Abal while NA’s provincial party presidents are supporting Polye and want Abal out of NA.

The party executives from the Highlands provinces met in Port Moresby in early June and endorsed the Enga NA branch decision to sack Abal from the party.

They said their decision to endorse the Enga resolution is in response to the sacking of Polye and Duma.

The meeting of the regional executives was attended by members of the NA Highlands region executive committee, chairman of each provincial branches, as well as other provincial executives and foundation members.

The meeting was not attended by the Highlands NA members of Parliament of which 12 out of 13 signed an oath of allegiance to Abal. Polye is the only one who did not support Abal.

The meeting also resolved to call on Sir Michael to re-instate Polye and Duma to their ministerial posts in the best interests of NA.

Abal remained defiant by announcing a major ministerial reshuffle on June 21.

Under the reshuffle, former Finance and Treasury Minister Patrick Pruaitch returned to the ministry in a move aimed at stabilising the NA party in the lead-up to the 2012 general elections.

The Ministry of Petroleum and Energy was given, as expected, to Komo-Magarima MP Potape, a mining engineer, who was sacked from the URP by Duma and his faction.

Potape’s previous ministry of State Assisting the PM on Constitutional and Electoral matters went to Alotau MP Charles Abel.

The new Foreign Affairs, Trade and Immigration Minister went Ano Pala, who relinquished Agriculture and Livestock to strong Abal-supporter and member for Lagaip-Porgera Philip Kikala.

The future for the government looks very uncertain. Though the appointment of Pruaitch was seen to retain some stability, there are too many questions pending regarding Pruaitch, whose misconduct case is still pending in the courts.

Abal was understood to have succumbed to forces from within the NA inner-circles to take back the ministry. The NA party’s unwritten rule is for the Finance and Treasury portfolio, Works, National Planning and Public Enterprises to stay with the party, however, the Works Ministry was given away as a trade-off for Pruaitch’s return.

Political observers have also indicated that Abal was consolidating his support with Engan MPs and other Highlands leaders after “his brave and somewhat unpopular decision” to sack Duma and Polye

The uncertainty remains with Sir Michael not likely to return from medical operations as Prime Minister.

“We the family do not want him to talk about work anymore…the recovery period is uncertain…the pressure on whether the PM is able to return to work is a concern,” his own son and Private Enterprises Minister Arthur Somare announced to the local media.

This is further trouble for Abal who is now under pressure to either remain defiant and continue to hold on to power or let down the gauntlet by using provisions in the Constitution catering for such situations involving the health and long absence of the chief executive of the country.

Abal had in May ignored calls by Opposition Leader Belden Namah to refer to Section 142 (5) (c) which states that “the Prime Minister may be removed from office by the Head of State, acting in accordance with a decision of the Parliament, if the Speaker advises the Parliament that two medical practitioners appointed by the national authority responsible for the registration or licensing of medical practitioners have jointly reported in accordance with an Act of Parliament that, in their professional opinions, the Prime Minister is unfit, by reason of physical or mental incapacity to carry out the duties of his office”.

Former Attorney General and Justice Minister, Dr Allan Marat cited the same provision in mid-June, saying that the seven million people of PNG deserve to know the condition of their PM and it’s incumbent on the acting PM to invoke the Constitution to protect the rights of its citizens.

-Island Business